Benjamin Gaffee JONES,¹ son of unknown father of BG JONES ( - ) and unknown mother of BG JONES ( - ), was born on 18 Feb 1829 in Bethnal Green, London.² according to prison discharge 1865. Benjamin was a Clerk, tanner, cordial manufacturer, fellmonger, shopkeeper.³ He was educated at -can read and write-. He was C of E. He married Anne INGLESON on 30 Apr 1859 in Parish Church, Deloraine, Tasmania. Source: Tasmanian Pioneer Index, and Marriage registration from 37/17 , ÊNo. 694, Widow, Gaffer - clerk. Benjamin died on 30 Jul 1876 in Westbury.⁴ Cirrhosis, M, Death registration N0.774, Buried by Charles Reynolds, undertaker, Westbury, Profession on death regn. - shopkeeper, Burial at Westbury Anglican Cemetery on 4/8/1876 a/c to Gwen Scott, historian, Hagley. Benjamin was buried in Westbury Anglican Cemetery.^{5 4} Buried by Charles Reynolds, undertaker, Westbury, Profession on death regn. - shopkeeper, Burial at Westbury Anglican Cemetery on 4/8/1876, age 46 years.

Benjamin Gaffee Jones (sometimes called Gaffee Jones, with an alias of Bergamus Gaffee, usually known as “Gaffer”) was born on 18 February 1829 according to a Book of Common Prayer held by Ken F Knight, his grandson. Other birth years from 1825 to 1827 are possible alternatives from various documents, however 1829 seems to be the most likely. He described his ‘native place’ as Bethnal Green, London, known as Spitalfields in the 1851 Census. It is part of the “East End” of London, home of the “cockney” and is now part of the borough of Tower Hamlets. There was a vast expansion of London between 1820 and 1830 and Bethnal Green grew rapidly into an overcrowded complex of slums, small factories and rag-trade sweatshops. Having been an area of large houses and gardens as late as the 18th century, by about 1860 Bethnal Green was mainly full of old tumbledown buildings with many families living in each house. By the end of the century, Bethnal Green was one of the poorest slums in London. "Jack the Ripper" operated at the western end of Bethnal Green and in neighbouring Whitechapel. Historically the silk-weaving trade spread eastwards from Spitalfields throughout the 18th century. This attracted many French Protestant Huguenot and Irish weavers to the district. Large estates of small two-storey cottages were developed in the west of the area to house them. The Gaffee surname was a Huguenot name in Spitalfields according to "The Huguenots of Spitalfield."

We know little of Gaffer’s early life, apart from him having 2 sisters, Ann and Sarah, that he could read and write, and that his religion was Church of England.

He first came to public attention in September 1848. As related in “The Times” newspaper 4.9.1848 :

“On Saturday Gaffee Jones was bought up for final Examination upon the charge of having broken into and plundered the premises of Messrs. Kennard and Co., of Upper Thames street. It was discovered on the 29th July that the premises of Messrs. Kennard and Co. were entered on the night before, and that one of the desks in which were a 20£ Bank of England note, and a check upon Glyn’s Bank for £7, and about £14 in gold and silver and halfpence, was plundered of the whole of the property. It was evident that the thief must have been acquainted with the premises; and as the prisoner, who had been once employed there, was seen loitering about the neighbourhood on the evening of the robbery, suspicion was at once attached to him; and that suspicion was increased by his sudden and continued absence. It was subsequently found that he put up at an infamous house at Mile End, where he was, as might be expected, betrayed by his female companion. He had placed a £20 note in the hands of a publican in the neighbourhood, and drawn from it, from time to time, to within £1 of the whole amount; and a person who knew him heard him express his intention to call at Glyn’s bank for cash for a £7 check which he had in his possession. The publican had, it appeared, paid away the £20 note to his brewer, who produced it before Alderman Gibbs, and a clerk in the house of Messrs. Kennard and Co. identified the note as that which had been stolen out of the desk in their counting-house. The prisoner said, he had nothing to say, and was committed for trial.”

Bell’s New Weekly Messenger of 3 September 1848 put it more colourfully :

“Gaffee Jones, alias Bergamus Gaffee, was charged at the Mansion-House with having entered the premises of Messrs, Kinnaird and Co., iron merchants, in Upper Thames street, and stolen a Bank Of England note for £20, a check for £7 and gold and silver to the amount of £25 or £26. The prisoner had been, some time before, in the employment of the prosecutors. – Romaine (K232), in consequence of information which he had received, apprehended the prisoner in an infamous house at Mile-End, in a state of complete nudity. The witness learned in that den quite enough to convince him that the prisoner was the thief who robbed Messrs. Kinnaird- A publican stated that the prisoner called upon him on the 8th or 9th of August, and asked him for change of a £20 note. Witness, from time to time, gave the prisoner money as he wished to draw it, and all he had at present to receive was £1. Witness paid off the £20 note to his brewer, and said he could of course get the particulars. The prisoner gave him a gold ring at the same time with the £20, to be taken care of by the witness. – The prisoner was remanded.”

Upper Thames street is located between Blackfriars’ Bridge and London Bridge in the City of London, near St. Paul’s Cathedral.

On 18 September 1848 Gaffer pleaded guilty at the Old Bailey Court, London to “feloniously breaking and entering the dwelling-house of Robert William Kinnaird and others, and stealing one £20 bank-note, and 20 sovereigns, and other moneys, their property”. His sentencing was postponed to a later Sessions, in October, when he was sentenced to 7 years transportation.

“The sentence of transportation was usually carried out in three parts. Prisoners started their sentence in the local gaol, followed by a period in a convict gaol or on the prison hulks before finally being transported. After sentencing it was normal for prisoners under sentence of transportation to spend the first part of their sentence in the prison where they had awaited trial, usually in solitary confinement. They stayed there until the secretary of state ordered their removal to a convict facility. Prisoners arrived at the convict facility with their 'caption papers' (Which stated the offence, the date of conviction and length of sentence). In the early 19th century, most prisoners awaiting transportation were sent to the “hulks” in London before being assigned to a convict ship and leaving England,” according to ‘Victorian Crime and Punishment’.

Gaffer was in Newgate prison from 18th September 1848 until transferred to Millbank prison on the 12th February 1849, prior to his transfer to the prison Hulks.

“Convicts sentenced to transportation were sent instead to hulks, old or unseaworthy ships, generally ex-naval vessels, moored in rivers and harbours close enough to land for the inmates to be taken ashore to work. Although originally introduced as a temporary measure the hulks quickly became a cost-efficient, essential and integral part of the British prison system. Once tried and sentenced convicts were sent to a receiving hulk for four to six days, where they were washed, inspected and issued with clothing, blankets, mess mugs and plates. They were then sent to a convict hulk, assigned to a mess and allocated to a work gang”. (Sydney Living Museums)

From the 18th century conditions for convicts were very poor: “Prisoners kept in the hulks were set to hard labour in dockyards or on the banks of rivers. Those on the Thames were put to work improving the navigability of the river by removing gravel and soil from its shores. This work was backbreaking, exhausting and very public; convict chain gangs provided a moral spectacle and example for all who saw them. The rations provided by the contractors were inadequate, in that they did not provide the convicts with the energy or nutrition required to perform such arduous work. This was done on purpose – the parliamentary act authorising the use of hulks stipulated that convicts were to be fed little other than bread, "any coarse or inferior food", water and small beer. Convicts frequently went hungry and often became malnourished. This was exacerbated by the fact that there were no charitable food handouts available to convicts on the hulks, as there were in conventional gaols. In fact, visiting was extremely limited for fear that tools used to escape could be smuggled aboard. This regime was so punishing that, after a short time, men became demoralized, weak and susceptible to disease. The poor sanitation and cramped conditions meant that infection could spread particularly quickly. From the first introduction of the hulks, diseases such as cholera, dysentery and typhus were rife. The convict mortality rate was exceptionally high – about a third perished in the first few years. In response, the diet was improved and better medical care was provided.” “With the opening of Pentonville Prison and increased use of Millbank Prison from 1843, fewer convicts were sentenced to the hulks, which were increasingly only used for old and infirm prisoners and those in poor health. After 1852, only two hulks survived, and the Hulks Act was finally allowed to expire in 1857”, according to Digital Panopticon. Anna McKay in “The History of British Prison Hulks, 1776-1864” summarises; “When men grew destitute and faced the workhouse, life as a convict was measured out against the negatives of offending. After all, prisoners were provided with three meals a day. They mastered trades and learnt to read and write. When released, they were even given a little money. Nevertheless, government officials made every attempt to make life on board as punitive as possible. After a series of scandals, the prison hulk system wound down and was officially disbanded in 1857”.

Gaffer was transferred on 15th August 1849 to the prison hulk 'Justitia' at Woolwich on the Thames. He was transferred once more on 31st December 1849 to the hulk 'Warrior', and after another two years was relocated back to Millbank prison on 31st December 1851. His behaviour as listed in the quarterly returns ,on the hulks, was described as “very good” on the 'Justitia', and varying from “very good” to “indifferent” to “bad”on the 'Warrior'.

After 2 years and 10 months incarceration he was at last conveyed to the barque 'Lady Montague' for transportation to Van Diemen’s Land. This was one of the last ships to transport convicts to VDL and was a subject of great displeasure to the Anti-Transportation League.

Transportation from Britain had emerged as a form of criminal punishment as an alternative to execution in the 1600’s. “Convicts were sent to Australia to work. Their sentences stipulated they would work from sunrise to sunset, Monday to Saturday. This was their punishment but the colonial administration also viewed it as an opportunity for redemption, as Governor Phillip believed that ‘honest sweat’ was the convict’s best chance of improvement. Convicts lived under very strict rules and any breaking of those regulations could result in punishment such as whippings, the wearing of leg-irons or solitary confinement. Serious crimes could result in sentences to hard-labour prisons such as Port Arthur or Norfolk Island,” according to the National Museum of Australia . The Companion to Tasmanian History states that “Between 1803 and 1853 approximately 75,000 convicts served time in Van Diemen's Land. Of these 67,000 were shipped from British and Irish ports and the remainder were either locally convicted, or transported from other British colonies.” ....As a result the number of serving convicts in Van Diemen's Land rose from just over 400 in 1816, to a peak of over 30,000 in 1847. Thereafter numbers declined rapidly, especially following the cessation of transportation in 1852. By 1862 only just over a thousand serving convicts remained.” The afore-mentioned Anti-Transportation League was vocal in gradually stopping Transportation. “Similar anti-transportation demonstrations were held in Sydney, Launceston and Hobart. An embryonic Australian trade union movement increased its opposition to transportation. Even under the probation system, the difference in wages paid to passholder convicts employed in the private sector and free labour was sufficient to impact on working-class standards of living, and the emancipist population of ex-convicts were prominent among those seeking to protect their interests as freed workers,” according to Hamish Maxwell-Stewart. Transportation to Van Diemen’s Land officially ceased in 1853.

The voyage of the ‘Lady Montague’ to Hobart began on August 9th from Plymouth, and ended on 9th December 1852. Aboard the ship were 280 male convicts, a dozen or so passengers, other women and children, Officers and soldiers of British Regiments, and 40 crew. 9 deaths were documented. On arrival in Hobart Gaffer was deemed to be, along with most of the convicts, “fit for service” by the Ship’s Surgeon, Samuel Donnelly.

The procedure from then was “on arrival in the Derwent convicts were brought before a board headed by the Superintendent of the Prison Barracks, so that information about previous work experience could be elicited. Each convict was then stripped to the waist and any distinguishing features were put on file. Once disembarked, male convicts were marched to the Prison Barracks and females to the Cascade Female Factory. There they were kept for a short period while it was determined where they would be deployed.” (Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies.) The system “was underpinned by elaborate record keeping. Each convict was described in detail on disembarkation in Australia. Thereafter, a summary of every encounter with a colonial court was entered under the convict’s name in a centralised system of punishment registers. Information about the awarding of indulgences and certificates of freedom was advertised in the colonial press, together with descriptions of runaways.” wrote Maxwell-Stewart.

Gaffer Jones was described in the arrival records as: Complexion- florid, head-medium, hair-light brown, visage-oval, forehead-high, eyebrows-dark brown, eyes-blue, nose-medium, mouth-medium, chin-medium, remarks-B [probably broken] left arm. Trade-labourer, height-5’6”. He received a police number on arrival-6541. His statement of offence, as stated by him, indicates a burglary of £88 from Mr. Kinnaird, which is an increase over the amount stated at his trial.

His work assignments began with 4 months at the Prison Barracks, Hobart, now known as the Hobart Convict Penitentiary, a National Trust property. Next he was transferred to the Police Constabulary in Launceston, (built in 1827, closing in 1917, becoming the site of Launceston High School, Tasmania’s first State High School). This alternated with working at the Hospital in Launceston for 16 months. The hospital was established in approximately 1820 as H.M. Colonial Hospital as a convict hospital and in 1854, at the end of Gaffer’s time there, “it was transferred from Imperial to Colonial control as the Cornwall Hospital and Infirmary”, according the Companion to Tasmanian History. This was under the second major change to the Colonial system of convict management. As related in the article “Convict Labour Contracts”, the new system was called Probation and it lasted from 1840 until 1857. It was very much crafted in accordance with new penal thought. It graded convicts by their crimes and structured reform by requiring progression through stages, before ultimately earning freedom. “Stage two saw convicts leave the gang and become Probationary Passholders, entitled to work for payment, which offered a significant incentive.” Like the first system of convict management and punishment, ‘Assignment’, most convicts would end up working for private employers, but unlike on ‘Assignment’, convicts would be paid a wage. This was not a market wage (something considerably below – these were coerced workers) but a notable incentive, all the same, and usually a relief from hard labour on a gang.” Gaffer became a Pass-holder on 11 April 1853.

For his final 12 months he is recorded as working for Charles Headlam, Launceston. Charles Headlam was a pastoralist who had a property “Eggleston” at Campbell Town and who became the colony’s largest landholder. He became a Magistrate in 1847, and later District Coroner. In 1852 he “wrote a letter to the Colonial Secretary advocating the continuation of transportation as he was having trouble in finding enough men to help him run his property”, says the Campbell Town history reference. In what capacity Gaffer was employed in any of these assignments is unsure, however given his forgery ability it was possible that for some time clerical duties were undertaken. His behaviour during this time was not angelic. On 23rd. November 1853, whilst working for an employer “B.G.” at Perth, he was given 2 months hard labour at the House of corrections for being drunk, and for neglect of duty. He received another 3 months hard labour for being drunk and disorderly at Prison Barracks on 19th August 1854.

He received his Certificate of Freedom at Launceston on 5th November 1855. He was a free man.

We do not hear of Gaffer again until April 1859 when he married Ann Ingleson in Deloraine. In the marriage certificate he is described as a clerk. Ann was a widow of farmer Joseph Thwaite, with whom she had a child, Mary Jane Thwaite, in 1858. The child was brought up as Mary Jane Jones. Ann had emigrated from London to Hobart, under the Auspices of the Female Emigration Society, with her sister Catherine in 1851.

In June 1860 Sarah Ann Jones was born to Annie, as she was known, and Gaffer. Sarah’s birth certificate describes him as a “writing clerk”, of Westbury, where he was to live, with one exception, for the rest of his life. The family had a house in Mary Street, Westbury, on one acre of land.

In September 1862 his second daughter, Amy Lavinia was born. However in July 1862 he had been jailed awaiting trial on a charge of ‘forging and uttering’. The victim was his employer James Dean, of Deloraine. In October of that year a Jury of the Supreme Court in Launceston could not agree on a verdict. He was bailed to appear at the next Criminal Sittings Sessions. Another Jury on 1st January 1863, however, found him guilty and the Launceston Examiner newspaper reported on the Session thus:

Benjamin Jones, uttering a forged cheque on Mr. James Dean, of Westbury. When asked if he had anything to say, prisoner said he was thankful for the time and patience bestowed on his trial, but he was totally innocent of the charge. How was he to know the cheque was a forgery when Mr. Harrup, the cashier at the bank where Mr. Dean kept his account took it for a genuine one? Prisoner alluded to the fact that at the former sittings of the Court the jury appointed to try him could not agree, and he argued from this that there was considerable doubt in the case. He had already been six months in prison, and had a wife and three children dependent upon him for support. He hoped His Honor would take these circumstances into consideration and pass as lenient a sentence as possible. His Honor said he had before him prisoner's character as furnished by the sheriff, and he certainly regretted to see him placed in the position in which he now stood. Prisoner was above the ordinary run of men. He was capable of assisting in the management of an extensive business, and of keeping his employer's accounts, and it was a matter of surprise looking at his character that he should have allowed himself to be tempted away from the path of rectitude. Prisoner came to the colony in 1848 for breaking and entering a house. He had his first taste of freedom hi 1853, when he got his ticket of leave, and he ultimately became perfectly free in 1855. With the exception of some cases of trivial neglect of duty nothing had been recorded against him but two cases of drunkenness, and he (his Honor) felt regret that prisoner had given way to a vice but for which lie would not have stood where lie now did. He (His Honor) was rather sorry than otherwise that prisoner had made an allegation of his innocence. True it was that the forgery was an excellent imitation and defied the scrutiny even of the officers of the bank at which Mr. Dean kept his account. But there were two persons who could not have been deceived- Mr. Dean and prisoner himself. Prisoner kept the books of the establishment, had almost daily acquaintance with Mr. Deans's handwriting, and if the cheque was the forgery of another person (for his Honor could not, after the verdict of the jury say that prisoner was the forger), and it came into prisoner's hands, he must have been able to detect it, and if he did not, it proved that the prisoner must have had a guilty knowledge. His Honor was sorry for prisoner's wife and children, but his feelings of pity must not deter him from doing his duty. The crime of forgery was so rife in this colony, and there were so many facilities for its practice on publicans, who in many instances were ignorant persons, storekeepers, and others, that something must be done to give it a check. Under all the circumstances he (his Honor) was disposed to pass a lenient sentence. The sentence of the Court was that prisoner be imprisoned and kept to hard labor in her Majesty's Gaol at Launceston, for the term of three years.

By 29th January Gaffer is listed at Prisoner Barracks but by September he was stationed at Port Arthur.

Port Arthur is now a UNESCO World Heritage listed convict site. It is an exceptional example of the 19th-century European strategy of using the forced labour of convicts to establish global empires. Port Arthur demonstrates to a high degree the adaptation of the 19th century British penal system to Australian conditions, proclaims its website.

The Port Arthur penal settlement began in the 1830’s on Tasmania’s Tasman Peninsula, a site surrounded by water, secured from escape by soldiers, man-traps, and half-starved dogs across its isthmus. It was a large, self-sufficient and isolated industrial complex where convicts produced timber, bricks, small boats and ships as well as many other products, with the aim of becoming self-sufficient. Gangs of convicts were worked as slave-labour, ploughing, hauling logs and dragging carts. “As a place of secondary punishment Port Arthur meant hard work and pain, physical or psychological. Therefore, its reputation is infamous, states “Becoming Tasmania”. From 1833 until 1853, it was the destination for the hardest of convicted British criminals, those who were secondary offenders having reoffended after their arrival in Australia.

From the 1840s at the site successive penal philosophies were trialled, including systems of isolation, classification, separation of boys and men, and psychological terror. Those changes were reflected in the 1848 cessation of flogging and the construction of the Separate Prison in 1850.

“The prison was completed in 1853, but then extended in 1855. The layout of the prison was fairly symmetrical. It was a cross shape with exercise yards at each corner. The prisoner wings were each connected to the surveillance core of the prison, as well as the chapel in the centre hall. From this surveillance hub, each wing could be clearly seen, although individual cells could not….. The Separate Prison System also signalled a shift from physical punishment to psychological punishment. The hard corporal punishment, such as whippings, used in other penal stations was thought to only serve to harden criminals, and did nothing to turn them from their immoral ways. For example, food was used to reward well-behaved prisoners and as punishment for troublemakers. As a reward, a prisoner could receive larger amounts of food or even luxury items such as tea, sugar, and tobacco. As punishment, the prisoners would receive the bare minimum of bread and water. Under this system of punishment, the "Silent System" was implemented in the building. Here, prisoners were hooded and made to stay silent; this was supposed to allow time for the prisoner to reflect upon the actions which had brought him there….. In many ways, Port Arthur was the model for many of the penal reform movement, despite shipping, housing, and slave-labour use of convicts being as harsh, or worse, than others stations around the nation…..Despite its reputation as a pioneering institution for the new, enlightened view of imprisonment, Port Arthur was still in reality as harsh and brutal as other penal settlements. Some critics might even suggest that its use of psychological punishment, compounded with no hope of escape, made it one of the worst.” summarised Wikipedia.

As the 1860’s moved into the 1870’s the numbers of convicts dwindled, the convicts became aged or infirm and the institution ground to a standstill. The construction of the Paupers' Barracks and the Asylum in the 1860s reflected an ageing convict population. In 1863, according to ‘Becoming Tasmania” the population of the establishment was 888 of whom only 100 were convicts or ‘lifers’, amongst paupers, invalids and lunatics.

Gaffer’s record shows that he was kept at Port Arthur for some months as a ‘writer’- this probably means clerical work. Whilst there in June 1864 he was given 3 months hard labour for misconduct. According to the Hobart Town Gazette he was finally removed to Prisoner Barracks and discharged on the week ending 9th August 1865, which was about 10 years from his first release from custody. He was a free man again.

On his return to Westbury he would have found that he had another child to support. In April 1865 Annie had a son, named John William Laws, to a free man, Benjamin Laws. The boy was raised as John William Jones. The family continued to live at Mary Street in Westbury until 1874.

In 1866 Gaffer’s job description on the birth certificate of his next child was “cordial manufacturer”. The girl’s name was Lucinia Frances Jones. By 1867 he had been granted a Tanner’s License, a trade which he might have learned from his former employer James Dean, tanner at Deloraine. He was to be described in documents as a tanner until 1872. He may have been working at Smith’s Tannery which fronted Quamby Brook in Westbury but which ceased trading around 1869.

1869 saw the birth of Amelia Alice, who was to marry into the Knight family in Sydney 22 years later.

In 1870 Mabel was born, Arthur in 1872 and Frank in 1874. In that year Gaffer was described at Frank’s birth as a storekeeper, and his property as a house and shop on William Street, Westbury. When the shop was eventually sold following his death in 1876, it was described at auction as a General Store, containing drapery, grocery, ironmongery, crockery, glassware and produce. It was an agent for a local newspaper "The Weekly Examiner"'.

On 30th of July 1876 Gaffer passed away, aged 46, from cirrhosis of the liver, most probably due to chronic alcoholism. His funeral left from his house on 3rd of August for burial. Members of his Lodge, Good Templars, were invited and that membership would probably have contributed to the funeral costs. The Burial Register of St. Andrew’s Church indicates his burial in the Anglican cemetery. No headstone can be found to indicate the location of the grave.

Gaffer’s passing would leave 9 children, aged from two to eighteen, in Annie’s care. She is listed as living in the house and shop in William Street until at least 1879, and then in a cottage in Westbury Rd in 1885. She moved to Sydney sometime in the 1880’s, certainly after her daughter Lucinia’s marriage in Annie’s house in April 1884. She lived in Balmain with her son John William Jones. All but 2 of Gaffer’s natural children eventually moved to Sydney.

The “Convict Trail” in Campbell Town, Tasmania, was opened in 2004. The scheme involved laying thousands of clay bricks embossed with the names and details of convicts who came to Australia. Relatives of the convicts were invited to purchase a brick, to have it inscribed and laid on the trail. A “Deed of Title” for the brick and land was also to be issued. Gaffer’s brick states:

Benjamin Gaffee Jones

Age: 22

Lady Montague 1852

Housebreaking 7 years

Stole £88

The brick can be seen in Campbell Town^{2,3,4,6,7,8,9,10,11,12,13,14,15,16,17,18,19,20,21,22,23,24,25,26,27,28,29,30,31,32,33,34,35,36,37,38,39}.

Anne INGLESON was born on 7 May 1834 in Yorkshire.^{2 23} She emigrated from The Downs, England on 2 Jul 1851.^{40 41} She was a servant. She was Anglican. She died on 11 Dec 1893 in 31 Lawson St. Balmain.^{23 42} General Tuberculosis 5 months. Anne was buried on 13 Dec 1893 in Rookwood Cemetery C of E. Area:zone B Section:RRR Grave No. 920.^{23 24} Informant JW Jones. Grave now indiscernible-RK Nov 2017. Anne had a relationship with Joseph THWAITE. She had a relationship with Benjamin LAWS.

Ann's name was given as Eliza Ann in her son John William's death certificate. And also in son Arthur's. Eliza A Jones is stated on the cemetery records.

The birthdate stated is as given by Ken F Knight, but her Death cert indicates 1833.

She arrived on the ship AUSTRALASIA 3/10/1851, age 22, as Ann Ingleton, trade - servant, along with her (likely) sister Catherine. She had emigrated from London to Hobart, under the Auspices of the Female Emigration Society.

After arrival in Hobart on 9/10/1851 she was employed by Mrs. Parr, Kelso Terrace, Hobart, term 3 months, as Ann Ingledon. (See multimedia window)

Mrs Parr - • arrived 12/9/1847, on ship VICTORIA (cabin) from

Falmouth, Ref. Free arrivals, MB 2/39.9 p.314, or

_ • E. Parr arr. BROUGHAM (steerage), 15/2/1858, Ref. Free arrivals, LSO 92/3 F.27

Ann was likely married to Joseph Thwaite, a farmer in Westbury before he died in 1858.

She was married to "Gaffer" in 1859, with 6 children to him. She had a son to 'Benjamin Laws' whilst Gaffer was in prison.

After their marriage her residences were as Gaffer's . After his death in 1876, she continued in the house and shop, William St., Westbury, until (Ref. Vals. 1885) she moved to a cottage in Westbury Rd.

The surviving photo of her was taken in Balmain (Balmain photographers address on rear). It appears that she moved to Sydney during the 1880's. At her death she was living with her son John William Jones who was the informant on her death certificate.

Although her Death Certificate indicates her burial at Rookwood cemetery, there is no record on SAG Rookwood Cemetery Transcriptions. The Cemeteries Trust does however have details, and although her gravesite is numbered, it has not been found.^{2,24,40,41,43,44}

Anne INGLESON and Benjamin Gaffee JONES had the following children: